Mini-Plant for Production of Commonness



Transformation in the work field towards the post-Fordist economy, globalization and the increasing number of privatizations of the public sphere have led to the constant enrichment of individuals in relation to society, the relations of domination and subordination, which are becoming more and more frequent, resulting in global migrations and wars unprecedented in recent history. Migrations are evident in the departure growth of the domicile population in the Balkans towards the West, and the detention of refugees in the EU’s border zones, mainly due to increased controls at the borders. The status of the intermediary zone between the center and the periphery that was once characteristic of the “buffer” zone in the Balkans, etc., is now expanding to the entire capitalist world, increasingly reproducing inequalities in almost all social strata (and especially in the middle and lower classes).

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Social Economic Theories Library




(Michael Albert, Chriss Spannos)

participatory economics = anarchist economics

basic values: equity, solidarity, diversity, self-menagement

key aspects: worker and consumer councils, balansed job complexes, renumeration, participatory planning


work price: intnesity +  duration + load

product price: work price + productional costs

no added value

produced value – social output

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Cooperative – How does it work?

Foto: KURS, 2016.


Project “How does cooperative work?” is a participatory installation-experiment consisting of simulation of co-operative work and joint production. Project participants were invited to initiate production based on restoration of old furnitureo according to cooperative principles. This is an experiment whose aim is to overcome today mainly theoretical concepts of self-organization, self management, economic equality, and to make the collision of these political concepts with the materiality of the process of work. The project deals with the possibility of economic democracy in the system of dominant social, political and cultural production today.


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Open School of Economics

Title: Open School of Economics, participatory project

Organiser and cordinator of the project: Danilo Prnjat

Participants: Aleksandar Elezović, Aleksandar Stojanović, Ana Milovanović, Andrea Jovanović, Branislav Dimitrijević, Danilo Prnjat, Dragan Protić Prota, Hristina Mikić, Ivan Božić, Jovana Zafirović, Luka Petrušić, Marija Ratković, Milica Mustur, Milica Popović, Mira Mulaimović, Nikoleta Marković, Nina Mudrinić, Olja Nikolić Kia, Petar Stanić, Sanja Maksimović, Sava Jokić, Uroš Matović, Vahida Ramujkić i mnogi drugi.

Production: Centre for Cultural Decontamination – CZKD, Belgrade, Serbia

Year: 2014.

Description:  The idea of the project “Open School of Economics” is based on a research and practical work in the promotion of alternative economical models that go beyond the neo-liberal economic system. Field of interest is the study of economic theories that offer potential opportunities for the development and establishment of economic exchange that is not sustained by the principles of individual profit entities but is driven by the interest of the community as a whole.

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Social Economy

Social Economy – Model: Čačak
Art project based on participation

Production: Nadežda Petrović Memorial, Čačak, Serbia

Year: 2012.


Author: Danilo Prnjat

Nikola Baković, historian and PhD student; Dragana Božović, historian of art ; Branko Ćalović, economist; Dušan Darijević, journalist and activist in culture; Vladimir Gojković, economist and NGO activist; Sava Jokić, philosophy student, poet and activist; Vesna Kuveljić, psychologist; Julka Marinković, historian of art; Daniel Mikić, media photographer; Ivan Milovanović, economist and NGO activist; Bozidar Plazinović, artist and activist; Marija Protić, trader; Marija Radisavljavić, historian of art and activist; i Milenko Savović, photographer.


Project Social economy- Case: Čačak is an experimental attempt to establish a commodity exchange model that could exist within current economic processes in our country that are ever so determined and guided by the principles of liberal economy. The project implied organizing an open workshop with initiative to contemplate on all potentialities, as well as making practical attempts to execute some real self-sustainable systems of exchange which wouldn’t be determined by predominant logic that production or labor always results (or should strive to that) in extra value, thus profit. In that sense, only premise of this project was led by reverse logic to the one that predominant political economy demands- circulating from extra value (profit) to product, trying to get it to be free (in this case the aimed product was food). In this example, we considered as extra value of all of those products which, for some reason, can’t find their place on the market, while different ways of their exchange mostly aren’t provided, or are even forbidden by law.

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Fathers and forefathers

Fathers and Forefathers, 2011-2014
Video transferred to DVD, text, color, no sound, 2’13”
Courtesy the artist

Fathers and the Forefathers is a video intervention based on the several days secret monitoring of the son of the famous Serbian politician Nenad Čanak done by artist personally. The video shows the child looking for Roman coins using a metal detector in the fields in Vojvodina (Province of Serbia) around Begeč (once a Roman city called Onagrinum). However, the only coins he finds are from the Yugoslav period.

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Wedding Pieces

Wedding Pieces
Art intervention

AkademieSchloss Solitude, Stuttgart, Germany


Danilo Prnjat

8:34, DVD


The project Wedding Pieces comprises series of actions which allude my arrival and the presence at the German weddings in a role of an uninvited guest/ insider. I conducted this intervention occasionally during several months, and I chose the weddings which were organised for the close family members and were always held in public. After approaching the celebrating group I was asked to leave or banished from all the weddings within a short period of time. Several times I managed to stay long enough to pose with the group in making the joint photo. My action was secretly recorded by a person whose function was to act as a paparazzo and whose task was to shoot the action in a form of video and photo documentation from a certain distance. The goal of the action was literal materialisation of exclusivistic logic on which dominant models of today’s togetherness are based – starting with the marriage, the concept of national country and EU.

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Stacion, Centre for Contemporary Art, Priština, Kosovo
Interkulturalni dijalog, Rex-B92/Ministry of Culture, Belgrade, Serbia
Mangelos, Young Visual Artist Award, Gallery Kontext, Belgrade, Serbia


Danilo Prnjat

Artan Balaj, Fatmir Mustafa-Carlo


One of the principle determinants of liberal capitalism which is based on the existence of private property, within countries in transition, reflects through a process of public property selling-out and its complete privatization. This principle of privatization has been proclaimed as one of the vital strategies of Serbia’s development and one of more important conditions of her path towards European Union.

On the other hand, questions regarding the problematic status of former Serbian province Kosovo1 have shown that proclaimed values are not a mechanism of country’s acting, wherefore the ‘public property’ (Kosovo) is still one of the priorities the country is fighting for.2 This struggle is/was conducted by cultural, political, legal and military interventions while the key, economic aspect, has remained cunningly camouflaged by cultural and nationalistic interests. Namely, the discourse that was and still is produced by Serbian official authority is heading towards global mythologisation (hegemonic culturalization) of Kosovo. This region is, therefore, in Serbia most frequently presented in the form of spirituality which is essential for ‘Serbian origin’, nonmaterial goods worth fighting for and the like. Those conceptions dominant in Serbian society are most frequently substantiated by the fact that some of the oldest orthodox monasteries are located exactly in that region, so in that way, via social ideology, religious aspiration towards spiritual, which is immanent to Serbian orthodox people, has gained socially-manifested and politically desirable material form – struggle for territory of Kosovo.

Likewise, spiritual values based on a construction of the term ‘Great Serbism’ have been founded on repeated actualization of the Kosovian battle – on which Serbian national myth regarding heroism, suffering (caused by Turks, non-Christians), self-sacrifice, betrayal, and heroic death of the last Holy Serbian ruler, King Lazar, has been raised. The values based on this myth and a construction of the term ‘ Great Serbism’ are precisely what nationalistic authorities used as the worst means of manipulation during the wars in 1990s, and which effect is even today widely present.

Project ‘Ransom’ alludes the act of purchasing of three works of art from Kosovian artists and presenting of the project as a work of art in Belgrade. This act exists as:

an act of concrete highlight to specific Kosovian ‘culture’ via determination of its material value. This aspect of the work of art aims to provoke dominant cultural paradigms of Kosovo in Serbia according to which a struggle for Kosovo has never been presented via question of power and money, but as a much ‘higher’ and transcendental question regarding the ‘ very being ‘ of Serbian people. Likewise, with this act the Kosovian culture (art) is not taken over and like that, conditionally said, by being disjointed (or dispossessed) is not presented in Serbia4 , but there are methods that are used to show utter respect for its importance and value;
an act of ‘disauthorization’ of specific Kosovian culture via its transformation into private property; and vice versa,
an act of authorization via precise determination of private property and its transformation into ‘general welfare’ (the work of art produced by open competition).
Namely, this project alludes an intervention inside the official institutions of Kosovo (Ministry of Culture) in order to authorize selected artists’ works of art as private property of those artists, so that they could be taken out of the country (across the border) in a legitimate way. This insufficiently transparent status of ownership between private property – public goods in Kosovo (but also in Serbia when it comes to Kosovo) opens a field for different social and state manipulations of (somebody else’s) property. On the other hand, by offering the work of art to Serbian funds (both state and private) for production, works of art of Kosovian artists become at the same time disauthorized, turn into public goods, which provokes brutal establishment of Serbian cultural hegemony in Kosovo.

Therewith, project Ransom, as a form of deconstruction of cultural and material practices that are dominant in Serbia and Kosovo, has an aim to act as an emancipator’s social practice by witch property (culture) is determined as private and by doing so nationalistic mechanisms of both confronted sides (Serbia and Kosovo) are equally provoked.





Public intervention-media project
(censured project)
Danilo Prnjat


The project Harmonija1 is more complexed contextual project carried out in Novi Sad2, the city which was during the realisation of the project under the management of the extreme nationalistic party – Serbian Radical Party and was at the time its most powerful center. On the other side, the government the Republic of Serbia was formed by pro-european political options with the Democratic Party at the head.

My project alluded scheduling of an independent exhibition at Art Gallery of the Cultural Center Novi Sad whose programme is entirely financed by the city of Novi Sad, and whose cultural politics is herewith determined. The concept proposed to curators of the Centre was naive and seemingly non-political. The suggestion alluded three barely dressed stripers who would be standing still in the gallery, and who were supposed to be exposed to the eyes of artistic audience through the windows of the gallery. After that I spent all the means I had on powerful PR campaign, strong advertisement (posters, notifications) and the like. Then, two days before the opening of the exhibition I told the curator of the gallery about ‘ the sudden change of the concept’ – where the strippers wouldn’t be standing still, but they would be naked and wave to the audience and they would hide their faces with the Serbian flag. The usage of the national symbol (as it was evaluated, in a ‘negative context’) momentarily resulted with the decision of the Centre’s director to ban the performance. I took advantage of the opening of the exhibition, the arrival of media and audience to act protest and give numerous interviews, and I put posters written with the words CENSURED all over the gallery. In the following few days, cultural columns of all the written media in the country polemised the scandal. Media prone to the democratic political currencies used the case as a motive for criticising the Radical Party’s cultural politics, where members of pro-nationalistic currents criticised the artist (me), declaring the one (me) as ‘ corrupted’, ‘over politicised’ and the like.

This project provoked a public discussion with the participation of some of the most prominent political representatives of both of the leading political options in the country where all the parties were forced to state in public their expectations regarding culture and art so that by the very fact they were involved in realisation of the art project they were forced to make mechanisms which they used to shape and control the culture of the country become transparent. On the other hand, the project suggests an idea of impossibility of a true social change today without strong local, political, media and ideological support in general, hence it points to border determinations, paradoxes and (im)possibility of art’s (politics) and artist’s acting in our society.
















Mangelos – KONTEKST gallery, Belgrade, Serbia.
Danilo Prnjat
7:18, DVD


Dominant principles of establishment, when it comes to public space in our environment, represent the space mostly scheduled for specific gender only. Starting with separated public toilet premises to betting places, large beauty shops and saloons…

Entering post socialistic era and losing of formed national identity have brought comeback of traditional values of patriarchal system in which all relationships are placed in special hierarchy. That state is additionally enhanced by arrival of large corporate systems (capitalism) which logic of permanent market expansion erased this hierarchy to some extent but contributed its additional alienation.

Lilly Project represents an action in which at one point 200 man performed unannounced guerilla invasion into the largest beauty shop in Belgrade- Lilly. This literal and not metaphoric performance of “patriarchal”, “male” behavior- which is based on assumption that He has the right to occupy any space or person by all means, with or without permission (standpoint that is mostly unique to individuals raised as man)- exists as an example of pure form of protest by which the distance that suspends normal, utilitarian and social process is marked.

On the other hand, the fact that performers of the action agreed to participate in project on condition to be paid – carrying out of particular behavior that in our surrounding can be seen as sexually “wrong”- indicates exclusively material determination of acceptable behavior limits and mechanism to determine some of the most vital human identity aspects (such as sexual) in capitalistic society.

Concerning 200 individuals entering one object, who are impossible to be covered by number of employees, this performance instantly led to system halt, its instant collapse- but not in purpose to offer anarchistic alternative to it, but in order to drastically formally remark its flaws.